In a momentous turn of events in Bangladesh, widespread protests forced the resignation of the former Prime Minister, who had ruled the country with an authoritarian grip since 2009. A brutal crackdown by security forces and activists from her Awami League party and the resulting violence led to the deaths of numerous protesters and injuries to thousands more. The appointment of Nobel peace laureate Muhammad Yunus as interim leader—a key demand of the student protesters—has instilled a sense of hope in the strife-torn nation. Many in Bangladesh are calling this a “second liberation,” marking half a century since the country won independence.
To ensure that this transition to a true democracy is successful, critical reforms must be implemented without delay, even before a democratically elected government is in place. The current interim government, not beholden to the old and corrupt institutions, has the opportunity to overhaul these systems. However, future elected governments might attempt to manipulate these institutions for their own advantage. Rebuilding key institutions now will create safeguards against democratic backsliding under any future administration. Three areas of reform are of paramount importance: the police and military, the constitution, and the judiciary.
Reining in the deep state
The security sector in Bangladesh is facing a severe legitimacy crisis. The military and the police were implicated in human rights abuses and widespread corruption. Both the police force and the military became highly politicized during the former Prime Minister’s regime. Public trust in these institutions has eroded significantly. Furthermore, many police officers have fled the country following the former Prime Minister’s departure, fearing retaliation, leaving a gaping void in law enforcement.
The first step toward restoring trust and legitimacy should be to dismantle the police units and individuals who have been involved in human rights abuses, particularly the notorious Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which has a long history of violating human rights. These individuals should be replaced with a diverse group of recruits, including women and ethnic and religious minorities, and those who have demonstrated merit rather than simply being promoted because of their ties to the Awami League.
Independent investigations should be launched into the actions of the security forces who were implicated in the atrocities during the protests. These investigations must continue, and suspected personnel must be brought to justice. Units like the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which have been accused of extrajudicial killings and human rights violations, should be dismantled or reformed. The military must also commit to a democratic process, refrain from interfering in politics, and support the interim government by ensuring the security of all citizens during the transition.
For both the police and the military, an independent commission should oversee these reform processes. They should also seek guidance and oversight from U.N. entities, such as the Office of Rule of Law and Security Institutions.
Implementing constitutional reform
Bangladesh’s recent slide into authoritarianism is a direct consequence of an excessive concentration of power in the Prime Minister and the executive branch. The country has only ever had one woman as Prime Minister.
Restructuring the presidency as a purely non-partisan institution should be the cornerstone of constitutional reforms. The practice of the Prime Minister appointing the President should be abolished in favor of a system that ensures the selection of a non-partisan individual. Current provisions allowing the Prime Minister to act on the advice of the executive significantly undermine checks and balances and must be removed. Meanwhile, the President should be granted the authority to appoint the heads of independent institutions with recommendations from nonpartisan experts. This would curtail executive influence and ensure that these institutions operate free from political pressure.
The constitution should also introduce greater legislative oversight over the government. An important first step is abolishing the requirement that members of parliament remain loyal to their respective parties.
Depoliticizing the judiciary and state institutions
Yunus has already made judicial reforms a top priority. Currently, the appointments and promotions of Supreme Court judges are heavily influenced by political considerations. The interim government needs to abolish the controversial two-year extension rule that allows for the reappointment of retired judges, which disincentivizes senior judges from seeking favors from the incumbent government.
It is crucial to shield all key state institutions—including the Election Commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Public Service Commission, and the Human Rights Commission—from political interference. As Bangladesh approaches an election, an independent and neutral election commission is non-negotiable for a credible transfer of power.
Top-level appointments in state institutions must be made with recommendations from an independent committee representing political parties, the judiciary, and civil society. These appointments should also require parliamentary approval, including a certain threshold of opposition support, so that no single party controls the process.
Ultimately, the success of the student-led movement presents an opportunity for Bangladesh to avoid repeating the mistakes of its past. The economy is performing reasonably well, and civil society is strong. Yunus can seize this moment. His government must not allow those who have marred Bangladesh with political violence since its inception to retain control over the levers of power.
It is time for a democratic Bangladesh, led by the people, and for the people.